{"id":1322,"date":"2025-05-31T23:16:03","date_gmt":"2025-05-31T21:16:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.zagros-centre.org\/en\/?p=1322"},"modified":"2025-06-01T02:01:34","modified_gmt":"2025-06-01T00:01:34","slug":"human-rights-situation-in-turkey-january-may-2025","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.zagros-centre.org\/en\/?p=1322","title":{"rendered":"Human Rights Situation in T\u00fcrkiye (January \u2013 May 2025)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Introduction<\/strong><\/h4>\n

In the first half of 2025, the human rights situation in T\u00fcrkiye continues to raise serious concerns within the international community. Despite a constitutional framework that formally guarantees fundamental freedoms, the Turkish authorities have intensified restrictive measures targeting freedom of expression, press freedom, the right to assembly and association, as well as political opposition. In a context marked by the arrest of the Mayor of Istanbul and increased repression of protest movements, the executive branch appears to be systematically using legal and police tools to suppress all forms of dissent.<\/p>\n

This report aims to provide a well-documented overview of the state of fundamental rights in T\u00fcrkiye during the early months of 2025. Through the analysis of reliable sources, it highlights repeated violations of press freedom, restrictions imposed on civil society, cases of arbitrary detention, and police violence during demonstrations. Particular attention is given to the situation of journalists, women, and minorities, who are often the primary targets of this authoritarian drift.<\/p>\n

At a time when democratic aspirations are increasingly stifled, this report seeks to contribute to the recognition of ongoing violations and to encourage advocacy for the respect of human rights in Turkey.<\/p>\n

<\/h4>\n

Freedom of Expression and the Media<\/strong><\/h4>\n

\"\"<\/a>As of early 2025, the state of freedom of expression in T\u00fcrkiye remains deeply troubling. The government maintains tight control over traditional media outlets: the public broadcaster TRT and the Anadolu news agency broadcast official statements, and nearly all television channels and print media align with the executive (1). Independent media outlets, often small in size, survive mainly online. Authorities frequently invoke the Internet Law (No. 5651) to block websites and censor critical content. According to the NGO EngelliWeb, over one million websites have been blocked in T\u00fcrkiye since 2007 (2). This pattern of internet censorship has continued into 2025: for instance, law enforcement authorities briefly suspended Instagram for eight days in August 2024 amid rising tensions in the Middle East (3).<\/p>\n

Similarly, access to media content has been further restricted: the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RT\u00dcK), the audiovisual regulatory body, has increased sanctions. By the end of February 2025, RT\u00dcK had issued at least six administrative fines to television channels, temporarily suspended critical programs, and even censored film posters (e.g., cancellation of the screening of “Yarasalar\u0131n \u0130stilas\u0131”, and the banning of the film “Oy’una Geldik” for “legal non-compliance”) (4). The body regularly threatens to revoke the license of any media outlet that “does not broadcast in accordance with the desired political direction.” Overall, the accumulation of judicial decisions and administrative sanctions against the media points to a pattern of systematic censorship of dissenting voices (4)(1).<\/p>\n

Moreover, critical journalists continue to face legal prosecution. In the first quarter of 2025, courts opened over 55 investigations against journalists, columnists, or reporters\u2014an unprecedented number over a three-month period\u2014demonstrating the judiciary\u2019s close scrutiny of independent media (4). Many are charged with “undermining public order” or “incitement to hatred” without substantial evidence, especially under vague terrorism-related accusations directed at critics of the government. For example, seven local representatives of the journalists’ union D\u0130SK-Basin-Is reported being arrested at home on the evening of March 24 and charged with “violating the law on meetings and demonstrations” before being released under judicial control two days later (5)(4). These mass arrests of journalists during the late March protests were denounced by unions as an “assault on press freedom.”<\/p>\n

Independent studies confirm the increasing pressure: the BIA Media Monitoring Report (Jan\u2013Mar 2025) notes that many journalists have been harassed by both judicial and administrative proceedings. During this period, several prominent journalists prosecuted for their work were acquitted after years of detention (including reporters from S\u00f6zc\u00fc, Halk TV, etc.), underscoring the arbitrary nature of the original charges (4). Similarly, the 2025 Human Rights Watch report recalls that Turkish courts continued to ignore or reject rulings from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in favor of independent media (1).<\/p>\n

In conclusion, press and expression freedoms remain severely restricted in T\u00fcrkiye as of early 2025. Public authorities control most media, order internet site blockages, and escalate prosecutions against critical journalists (1)(4). The near-total absence of a media counterbalance fosters self-censorship, while social networks\u2014one of the last spaces of relative freedom\u2014are also heavily monitored and constrained, particularly through content blocks related to protests (6).<\/p>\n

<\/h4>\n

Treatment of Journalists<\/h4>\n

\"\"<\/a>The treatment of journalists in T\u00fcrkiye during the first half of 2025 is particularly alarming. Reporters covering political demonstrations or criticizing the government are confronted with criminal charges and reprisals. Among the most notable cases, seven journalists who reported on the protests following the arrest of the Mayor of Istanbul were prosecuted for “unarmed participation in an illegal gathering” (protest law) (7). These seven media professionals\u2014ranging from AFP to Now Haber and the pro-HDP channel Tele 1\u2014were briefly detained on March 25 on charges of “spreading fear” and “breaking the law,” before being released on conditional terms two days later (7). Local press organizations condemned these prosecutions as a “tool of pressure to silence” independent coverage of the events (8)(9).<\/p>\n

Additionally, foreign journalists have been imprisoned or expelled for their work. BBC correspondent Mark Lowen, present to cover the demonstrations in Istanbul, was arrested at his hotel on March 26 and expelled the next day on charges of “disturbing public order” (7). On the same day, Swedish journalist Joakim Medin (of the newspaper Dagens ETC) was detained upon his arrival in T\u00fcrkiye to cover the protests. He was later imprisoned for “membership in an armed terrorist organization” and “insulting the president” (7), charges widely criticized on the international stage. AFP strongly demanded their release, and even the European Commission emphasized that T\u00fcrkiye, as an “aspiring EU candidate,” must uphold press freedom (7)(10).<\/p>\n

Other cases also illustrate the repressive climate: at the beginning of February, three investigative journalists (Elif Akg\u00fcl, Y\u0131ld\u0131z Tar, and Erc\u00fcment Akdeniz) were imprisoned as of February 22 as part of an investigation into the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK, linked to the pro-Kurdish HDP party) (9). Several other reporters were placed under house arrest or prosecuted in the same case, merely for analyzing political unrest. These proceedings place a heavy burden on press freedom and are clearly intended to intimidate independent journalists.<\/p>\n

Finally, the overall atmosphere is exacerbated by the fact that official media frequently label critical journalists as “terrorist propagandists.” For instance, in March 2025, state channels aired unsubstantiated accusations against correspondents from major international agencies. In parallel, the declining number of independent media outlets (due to administrative closures and intimidation) confirms that the entire profession now operates under constant threat. As a result, investigative journalism and critical reporting are becoming increasingly rare, which, according to NGOs, constitutes a serious violation of the public’s right to information (9)(10).<\/p>\n

<\/h4>\n

Freedom of Assembly and Association<\/h4>\n

\"\"The freedoms of assembly and association have been extremely curtailed during the first months of 2025. In response to the rising wave of protests, the authorities issued sweeping bans on demonstrations in major cities. For example, a provincial decree dated March 19 prohibited all protests in Istanbul (already suspended as of March 19), with similar bans enforced in Ankara and Izmir around March 21 (11). A heavy police presence, including checkpoints and vehicle inspections, was deployed to prevent gatherings from forming (11)(12)(13).<\/p>\n

These bans specifically targeted demonstrations in support of the imprisoned Mayor of Istanbul, officially justified by the “risk of illegal activity,” but widely criticized as a shutdown of public space. Despite the ban, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets across T\u00fcrkiye in late March to protest the opposition mayor’s arrest. Police responded swiftly and forcefully, deploying water cannons, tear gas, smoke grenades, and rubber bullets (13). The official report indicates that more than 1,133 people were arrested during the protests, according to the Interior Minister (13). Authorities claimed that those detained included individuals linked to “terrorist organizations,” thereby invoking anti-terror legislation to suppress political dissent. In reality, the majority of these gatherings remained peaceful, with footage showing widespread police violence: many protesters (and journalists covering the events) were injured by tear gas and rubber bullet fire (13)(11).<\/p>\n

Repression also extended to civil society organizations. For instance, on March 26, the leaders of the E\u011fitim-Sen teachers’ union were placed under house arrest and charged with “incitement to commit a crime” simply for organizing a one-day strike in solidarity with protesting students (11). This judicial crackdown starkly illustrates the severe erosion of the right to strike and union action: any act of solidarity is now equated with “provocation.”<\/p>\n

Furthermore, the government has moved against several local political figures: in February 2025, seven municipal officials were arrested, and two mayors were removed from office and replaced by state-appointed governors (14). This operation, conducted within the framework of an investigation into the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), targeted political leaders affiliated with the pro-Kurdish left. In total, 51 activists linked to the HDK were detained (30 of whom were placed in pre-trial detention) in connection with this case (14).<\/p>\n

These actions confirm a broader pattern: Turkish authorities enforce stringent judicial and administrative control over associations and political parties, especially those from minority or opposition groups, thereby violating the right of association and undermining democratic local representation (14)(11).<\/p>\n

Moreover, NGOs and human rights organizations also face mounting pressure. Several leaders of the Human Rights Association (\u0130HD) and various unions have been sentenced to lengthy prison terms, often for speaking out about the war in Kurdistan or criticizing national security practices (14). For example, \u0130HD reports that several of its senior members have been imprisoned following trials deemed “political.” In an environment where the rule of law is severely weakened, even non-governmental organizations struggle to operate without fear of reprisals.<\/p>\n

<\/h4>\n

Arbitrary Detention and Political Imprisonment<\/h4>\n

\"\"<\/a>The first months of 2025 have seen a marked increase in politically motivated detentions and imprisonments. A major warning sign came in late March, when an Istanbul court placed the city\u2019s mayor and prominent opposition figure, Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu, in pretrial detention under allegations of corruption. This measure, which effectively suspended him from his municipal duties, has been interpreted by numerous observers as a major political maneuver aimed at eliminating a key rival to President Erdo\u011fan from the electoral arena (15)(16).<\/p>\n

This event triggered the largest wave of political arrests in T\u00fcrkiye in years. In addition to \u0130mamo\u011flu himself, law enforcement officials detained 1,133 protesters across the country within one week (17). According to the authorities, some detainees were linked to \u201cterrorist organizations,\u201d but this characterization has been criticized as excessive by human rights organizations.<\/p>\n

Among those detained were several opposition political and union figures. Senior members of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), along with personalities from the Kurdish left, were briefly imprisoned before being released under judicial supervision. Meanwhile, the government stepped up prosecutions initiated as part of the HDK investigation: between February and March, a new wave of police custody targeted various opposition members, often under charges of “terrorism financing” based on their participation in political or trade union meetings.<\/p>\n

The precise outcome of these proceedings remains unclear, but local NGOs consider the judicial repression to be systematic and arbitrary. Legal guarantees appear severely undermined. Numerous political detainees have denounced the lack of serious investigation into the charges against them and the opacity surrounding their interrogations. Anti-terrorism courts, often used against opponents, routinely reject requests for release from pretrial detention, as evidenced by the case of the seven journalists discussed earlier.<\/p>\n

Moreover, T\u00fcrkiye continues to disregard judgments by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). On several occasions in 2024, the Court had ordered the release of prisoners of conscience, but these rulings were ignored in 2025 (18). Prison conditions also remain a concern, with reports of inhumane treatment, chronic overcrowding, and abuse persisting. Some political prisoners have resorted to hunger strikes in protest against the authorities’ refusal to respond to their appeals for dialogue. As a result, Turkish prisons\u2014particularly those designated for terrorism suspects\u2014remain sites of grave violations of fundamental rights.<\/p>\n

<\/h4>\n

Rights of Women<\/h4>\n

\"\"<\/a>The status of women in T\u00fcrkiye in 2025 remains characterized by serious violations, despite the existence of protective legislation. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s unilateral withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention (on protection against gender-based violence), officially finalized in late 2021, continues to fuel impunity. On March 8, 2025, the Women\u2019s Human Rights Association (Kad\u0131n\u0131n \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131 Derne\u011fi \u2013 K\u0130H) filed a complaint before the ECHR, asserting that the withdrawal\u2014carried out under pressure from nationalist and religious conservative groups\u2014has led to a surge in attacks against women and the LGBT community (19).<\/p>\n

Independent media figures highlight the scale of the issue. Bianet regularly publishes its monthly “Erkek \u015eiddeti” (Male Violence) monitoring reports. According to these sources:<\/p>\n